Monday, May 13, 2024

Calvinismus Delenda Est: An Early American Tragedy

**The core of this essay derives from the historical scholarship of Nathan Hatch's The Democratization of American Christianity, particularly 170-179** 

 

Around the time of the War for Independence, the Reformed faith was flourishing in America. Despite growing rationalism within the Anglophone world, which often married Whiggery to the new divinity, the Congregationalist churches weathered the Great Awakening, primarily through the influence of the affective Jonathan Edwards. Perhaps the greatest theologian from Columbia, Edwards married old-fashioned Evangelical Calvinism with the New Sciences. Not beholden to the scholastic Aristotelian method (that had fallen out of favor as new methods of logic, science, and metaphysics advanced), Edwards had pursued new ways to make sense of God's sovereignty within a Newtonian(esque) universe. This essay is not on Edwards, and will not further develop his thought, but the man helped create a resurgence in an older style of thought with new characteristics, against clergymen who had dampened emotional fervency.

When Independence came, many New England ministers flocked to the banner of Patriotism. The sense of unity that the Congregationalists gathered, to defend what was left of godly New England against the changes within the British Empire, was impressive. Even those outside the Standing Order, such as Baptist Isaach Backus, accepted Edwardsian Calvinism entirely (with the exception of paedobaptism). While the Standing Order had made room for Unitarians and Calvinists, there was a generally unified sense of biblical authority, couched in the sober learning brought from Puritan heritage, that brought many American Protestants together against the Erastian/Secular turn in Parliament (ranging from the Quebec Act's indifference to Catholicism to the growing disease over an empire in India). That was how New Englanders saw it anyhow. Combined with the functioning alliance between Deists and Evangelicals for classical republican government across the colonies, the Americans persisted.

But Calvinism would not. This would be a remarkable about-face, for at the end of the war, the moderate divinity of Edwardsian (developed further under Samuel Hopkins) had rapidly boomed. While Unitarians were content in their higher positions of influence, the Standing Order was still a tool (often combined with an infusion of Presbyterians) to advance the Evangelical faith. While Harvard was increasingly seen as a lost cause (founding Andover Seminary in response), many moderate Calvinists hearkened to the Federalist banner, a fervent faith combined with concerns for order. It seemed that the world of classical republicanism was crashing down, not only from threats of foreign Frenchmen, preaching the equalitarian creeds of Jacobinism, but also domestic agents criticizing Washington in the name of the people. Jefferson became the great bugbear, a sympathizer to all things deplorable. While from a different commonwealth tradition (often similar to Anti-Federalists who lamented Aristocracy), Jefferson advocated for land distribution (or access) and the importance of yeomenry. But more so, Jefferson allied to a spirit of secularization, which often received support from the rustic sects that absolutely despised America's Calvinist Consensus. Hotheaded Evangelicals of a new spirit targeted American Calvinists until they were utterly uprooted. Thus, the bizarre alliance of revivalists with anti-establishment unitarians/deists dealt a deathblow that was never quite overcome.

What happened? It was a complete attack upon a system of divinity that began with God's sovereignty, rather than man's innermost spiritual need. This united anti-Calvinists across a wide board: Methodists, Christian Restorationists, Mormons, Baptists, and Infidels. Their complaints could be formed into a basic schema:

1) Calvinists endorsed the classical-republican/Federalist status quo

2) Calvinists criticized/scrutinized personal religious experience

3) Calvinists focused on arcane speculative doctrines (e.g. predestination)

4) Calvinist clergy had pretensions to authoritatively judge on scriptural matters

This hatred of Calvinists in the early Republic led to a sacralized endorsement of Jeffersonian politics. These revivalists sought to destroy missionary societies (domestic and foreign), sabbath observance, subsidized education for the ministry, and the illegality of Sunday mail. Part of this, sadly, was the general difficulty understanding the purpose of predestination. Speculative divinity was often warped to the point of being a bizarre fatalism. In America's classless agitation, there was not only a push to tear down any legal distinction but also any recognition of natural talent, The lowborn preachers of Revival disdained any attempt to allow Human effort, which ironically meant a praise of Man's naked capacities. Calvinist emphasis on original sin, and its subsequent corruption, placed a damper on the infinite aptitude for renewal that Jeffersonians (as the American Girondin, echoing a not-quite Jacobin canard) embraced. It was not unusual for a converted revivalist to exclaim, as one did in Lynn MA, "why, then I can be saved!" Gloomy Calvinist piety (or misremembering it as such) gave way to exuberance that the whole world could be transformed in the blink of an eye. What unified revivalists (and infidels) was a contempt for Calvinist "passive" piety, where one must fixate on one's unworthiness and God's sovereign good pleasure to save. There was no time for the Holy Spirit (or, perhaps in their view, there was no time for a slow-moving Holy Spirit), action was needed today. Discipleship gave way to gospel liberty, where an uncoverted sinner went from baptized to preacher in a matter of days (if not hours)!

What good was Calvinism? It was the power of the entrenched, it was an enemy of enlightened-scriptural common sense. Raising questions about Adam's covenant headship or the order of decrees was scholastic babble; what mattered was moral transformation now, salvation hic et nunc. Calvinism was hard and bizarre; revival was clear and easy. Barton Stone, before he took a Kentucky synod with him into restorationism, was distressed, perplexed, and bewildered in the labyrinth of Calvinism. Despite the popular orientation of Edwards and Hopkins, which combined emotion with learning, the revival preachers were disdainful of this graced aristocracy. Calvinism was educated and total, with no room for the unlearned and puzzled, and therefore it must be wrong. If the paradoxes of the sovereign God and the free-will of Man were too much for the Jeffersonian man, than so much worse for the paradoxes! Methodists and Baptists made ready a system of practical development for the common man, that preachers who had some formal education often found themselves disenfranchised from ministerial opportunities.

The hatred against any sense of privilege mobilized an unending train of seething against the new popes, priests, and capitalists of the Calvinist "machine" -- the Standing Order as the inheritor of the mantle of Rome, Byzantium, and Canterbury. John Leland, Jefferson's Baptist devotee, raged thus:

"The missionary establishment, in its various departments, is a stupendous institution. Literary and theological schools, Bible and tract societies, foreign and domestic missions, general, State, country, and district conventions, Sunday School Unions, etc., are all included in it. To keep it in motion, missionary boards, presidents, treasurers, corresponding secretaries, agents, printers, buildings, teachers, runners, collectors, mendicants, etc. are all in requisition. The cloud of these witnesses is so great that one who doubts the divinity of the measure is naturally led to think of the locusts in Egypt that darkened the Heavens and ate up every green thing on earth. This machine is propelled by steam (money), and does not sail by the wind of heaven."

The level of disgust and contempt (and, perhaps, jealousy) is beyond measurement. For Leland, the Calvinists were evil because they were effective. They were demoniac locusts because they lacked total spontaneity. It was sin to have any order. The irony among these critics was that their popular demagoguery often came with an authoritarian iron fist. There are no schools or sects, we're returning to the Truth (and if you disagree with me, you're out!) and that was that. The Calvinist introduced a weight that was hard to overcome, now married to institutional expansion that followed many Yankees westward into the Old Northwest. Success? Order? That smacked of a conspiracy, a conclusion that ardent Jeffersonian Workingmen warned their Philadelphia readers of, to fear the clerical aristocrats. The watchdog Theophilus Gates, Yankee and publicist, warned his readers thus with a republishing a Universalist article:

"We entertain not a shadow of doubt that the leaders of the orthodox party . . . are determined on governing the nation. The supreme power is the grand end and aim of all their plans and labors. Every society which they have formed, from the American Education Society down to the ten thousand cent and mite societies throughout the land, are but so many strings, pulled by every person whether man, woman, or child, whom they can press or persuade into their service, the ultimate design of which is to draw them into power."

Gates did not represent a particular counter-current in Christianity, so much as the counter-current itself. His faith was anti-Calvinism. Thus, as the founder of the journal The Reformer, Gates had pursued a united front against any Calvinist orthodoxy. Printing Methodists, Baptists, Universalists, Quakers, Disciples of Christ, and Free-Thinkers, Gates would accept anyone who decried the Calvinists. Gates even supported the Antimission Baptists in their crusade to stop evangelism. Why? Because evangelism was intrusive, the idea to improve or uplift the degraded was elitist, when all they wanted was to be left alone by easterners. There simply was no such thing outside the local church, an entirely voluntary affair, that could not be encouraged, supported, or subsidized without the rallying cry of "Aristocrat!" against the heretic. Churches that sent missionaries were haughty and should simply mind their own business. Everyone was free to choose what they wanted, and any effort to sway someone this way or that way was a betrayal of the gospel and the American revolution, which often went hand in glove. The democratic ethos that continued to explode over the early nineteenth century was nothing less than the march of Christ's church. Efforts to influence or train clergy were odious, the conspiracy of Federalists to make a pope and Calvinists to make a king.

The pressure to dechristianize American laws as fulfilling the gospel, the contempt for successful cultural evangelism, the hatred of learned opposition out of step with democratic norms, the rage of any kind of privilege whatsoever, the sole location of the Holy Spirit in the spontaneous, local, and emotional, all of these should sound remarkably contemporary for those with ears. The Calvinist orthodox did not fall because of these criticisms, they endured, but their fall came from the demographic pressures that had no counterbalance. Rapid westward expansions often destroyed the town-based alliance of Meeting Hall and Church that much of Yankee Christendom depended upon. Free Mason Lodges often replaced the social and fraternal function of the churches, thus creating a growing divide. As mechanics left for revivalist camps, the middling class found solace in the Enlightened Deism of the Lodge. As detailed in Paul Goodman's Towards a Christian Republic: Anti-Masonry derived from a reaction against this new form of theo-sociality. Almost prefiguring Q-Anon, moderate Calvinists like Timothy Dwight denounced the advance of Jefferson as the victory of an international cabal of Illuminati. The rise of Free Masonry (which, due to its glee in blasphemy and secularism attached to the Jacobins, caused George Washington doubt about the order) disturbed Evangelical Yankees. The revival camps took away the salt of the earth, now the lodge was snapping up public men of means. The counterrevolution was a failure (despite being the first successful 3rd Party movement), but it provided much of the steam for the anti-Jackson coalition that formed the Whig party.

Where did this new Whiggery come from? Despite the criticism of ardent Democrats, the Whigs were not simply quondam Federalists in their silk stalkings. It also represented many of these camp revivalists who had begun to cool down. By the 1840s, Methodists and Baptists had become respectable for the new dynamic middle class across the trans-Appalachia West. While many Evangelicals were wary of politics, not a few plunged into the Whig hostility to Democratic secularity, a strange coalition that held together High Church Episcopalians with Infidels who preached free love and the end to private property. Whigs were a diverse and incoherent bunch, but its Evangelical members often pursued Blue Laws and liquor restrictions (first in the [in]famous Maine Law). In a way, these revivalists had now begun to rebuild what they destroyed, which would finally be realized, after the catastrophic Civil War, in the 3rd Great Awakening of the later 19th c. But what was lost? When the Fundamentalists warred against the Modernists, how much fire power did they have to marshal? B.B Warfield? The last remnants of Princeton? J. Gresham Machen? These were but a minority who struggled to direct the Fundamentalists against the true target. But what did radio Pentecostals share with the Hodges? The possibility of synthesis between head and heart, between the elite and the masses, had been buried for centuries. Methodists, Baptists, let alone Mormons, Restorations or Quakers did not construct capable seminaries to broach the serious issues. Instead, the result was William Jennings Bryan appearing the ape in the Scopes-Monkey Trial. The rise of Bolshevism put the genie back in the bottle (seemingly), but such was a thin propaganda victory that later effortlessly eroded, despite whatever grandstanding and backroom politicking Billy Graham attempted. Thus lay America.

The point of this concluding genealogy is not to appear defeatist, as if the crushing of classical-republican Federalism and the Edwardsian/Hopkinsian Calvinism was the end of all good in America. Far be it! The flaws that brought them down were not only due to outsiders, but inability to hold men and rally an effective counter against the Jefferson-Jackson democratic surge. All was not lost, as the tradition persisted, in various forms, and carried on to participate in the attack on Modernism. Unfortunately, American Evangelical theology has done little until reinvigorated by Dutch emigres, who were willing to raise the sword against the Modernism in the Mainline without retreating into anti-intellectual pieties. All is not lost, but it's important not to lose the core lesson here. There are not a few Evangelicals addicted to the same idiot nostrums of the Revivalists, but without any of their simple pieties or sincere convictions. Lamentation for any attempt to have public Christian norms (whether hypocrites are induced or not, a product of any law or norm whatsoever), hostility to any effort to organize, an expectation for success through spontaneous and individual emotional outbursts, such fuels the imagination of today's New York Times Op-Ed Evangelical. Like the perverse attachment Baptists like Leland felt for Jefferson (who only held contempt for the beliefs of these nutters, even as he respected their rusticity), many deep-state Evangelicals love the pat on the head and the gratification for criticizing their confreres who dare question the postwar order's mythos.

One must not run from the disdain, but cherish it. One must not shrink from the crude appeals to the Gospel and Jesus, one must be willing to (patiently) argue to the point of exasperation. One must not cede a single inch to those who would rip up the foundations, only to rue that such foundations were ever touched. The mind must be consecrated to wage a holy war, every thought taken captive, with a sword emerging from the mouth. Let the past be an example for the living, as the siege of Hell's gates continues unabated.

Saturday, May 4, 2024

Sabbath Sovereignty, or Ends without Means

Giorgio Agamben has demonstrated the empty (and extremely destructive) aspiration of social democracy. Far beyond anything the National Socialists ever dreamed of, the average Social Democrat (or in the center-right as Christian Democrat, or center-left as Democratic Socialist) imagines a complete collapse of all dualities that the West has inherited from Aristotle (among others in an ancient tradition). Sovereignty and government, spiritual and temporal, is and ought, political and economic, public and private, all of these have simply collapsed into each other. The duality still exists in rhetoric, but its reality has moved to a complete confusion. Bio-medical tyranny of sequestering Jews away from the body-politic as lice or a disease has been far surpassed in the Ronareich of treating the insufficiently "healthy" as a threat to public policy. It's easy to forget the treatment of the Unvaccinated as not so much as The Enemy, but as a kind of pestilence to be done away with. The Homo sacer (he who is set apart from the polity) can die with impunity, for he has forfeited his rights as citizen, as human.

Agamben's project, in contrast, is to recognize that this hyper-governmentality (the need to catalogue and regulate everything) is a product of anarchy. There is no sovereign, there is no ought, there is no private, there is no economic, there is no cordoned off space which is, in effect, a product of a quarantine. You cannot claim the inviolable household, or soul, or absolute authority that is outside the group; it's a fiction that does not offer freedom, but ultimate slavery. Thus, for Agamben, the political solution lies with Plato. The Nocturnal Council, the ad hoc polis of concerned citizens to solve *particular* issues, is the basis of a just government. The suspension between all these binaries allows something else to emerge. It is not about ownership, it is not about mastery, but of making use. One lives their life in a particular mode, a particular style and way, according to the enrapture of the intellect. Like getting caught up in a landscape, all things blur in distinction, without any kind of collapse. One is in the landscape, but does not simply melt into it, but is rather suspended. Such is the importance, per Agamben, of Paul's theology, which counseled a kind of suspension. The throne is empty, the sovereign void, power has ceased, and all things may simply be because they exist.

I turn this on its head. Perhaps it is because I am a biblical Christian, where sovereignty and omnipotence cannot be simply put aside, where the resurrected Christ wields a rod of iron and will subdue all things until they're put under his feet. The crucifixion was not merely the suspension of the law, its cancellation, but its completion, engraved in heart of flesh, becoming the very reason-to-be for the saints. Agamben is a Platonist finding common cause with Christianity, I am a Christian finding common cause with Platonism. As Nyssen recognized that faith was the foundation of knowledge and thus the highest form, he inverted Plato's epistemology. The Scripture starts with the ear, while Plato begins with the eye (in Timaeus). Nevertheless, the same conclusions (which brought Christian praise for Plato as a fellow traveler) were enough for recognition. So it is with the critique of modern anarchy found in Agamben's work.

What is the alternative? For Agamben, the ideal is, again, being caught up in a landscape. It is his interpretation of Nirvana as neither being nor non-being. It is the wonder of gazing upon a beautiful woman asleep, there but not there. It is Plato's "bastard-kind of reasoning" in the insensate, but existent, phenomenon of Space, or chora, something that can be touched without being felt, like a numbed hand grasping an object. Here, the dichotomy is not solved, but suspended, leaving the mind to fully roam and contemplate itself. Who shall I be? as the Myth of Er replays again and again in a pseudo-reincarnation. The choice we have is not to self-determine ourselves, as if we were both Pygmalion and his statue, but rather to fall in love with the very path we cannot help but choose.

But while Agamben wants to disentangle means from ends, to snap the Karmic cause-effect system that fuels Samsara, that propels judgement, I want to do the same to prioritize ends. Why did God make the heavens and the earth? To rest, a state that God already had prior to and outside of creation. God is at rest before creation, but he is also at rest from within creation. Is God some Atlean builder, hosting up the pillars of the earth, musclebound with sweat running down his brow? No, he spoke and it was; his labor was always at rest. And so the crowning of the seventh day, the sabbath, as the time of rest was to ratify that the totality of life, of all things, was to be as God in rest. There are no means, all things put aside towards lounging and day-dreaming, not someone plunged into slumber but as someone fully aware in the totality of his imagination, the lucid dream in which all things are felt without any orientation to something else. God was at rest, remains at rest, and will be enthroned in rest. Labor is always a curse, as it was to Adam so it was to the Word of God whose ministry was to restore mankind to rest.

The question is not "how then shall I live?" as if life would simply be populated with hobbies until one is swallowed back up into being, cast down to be again (this aspect of Plato is consistent with Hindoo philosophy, and probably derived from it in some form viz. Pythagoras). Rather, in the Christian severity that beggars belief, there's only one life to live, there's only the heavenly sabbath rest of Edenic paradise. What will we do in Heaven? Will there be baseball? Can I see my friends? All of these are semi-formed pagan instincts armed against the true vision of rest. It is not as if there will not be friends, but they are products of thoughts, and thought is a product of leisure. But there is no intention, no effort, no work, only ends. It is not contemplation as pure means, but as pure ends, where all mediation is finally at rest as the Son hands the Kingdom over to his Father. Why this mystery drama? Why this unfolding of history? Only to show case that it all manifests the eternal state of rest, where one not only can look upon his works with ease, but work itself with ease. One not only sees the result of labor, but can remember the process and its feelings without then experiencing them. A bastard kind of reasoning indeed, but one suffuse with feeling even as one dreams.

Such might be splitting hairs, but the cash out (the supreme importance) is how history itself is seen. The truth of this world is not an endless rumbling (though without conformity to any particular form), but rather total stillness. It is the Parmenidean awareness that all is one, that the end was always at the beginning and intersected every supposed means. The joy that was set before Christ as he endured the cross was always his, as begotten regal word and as reigning resurrected supreme. To sit down, to contemplate, is not the unleashing of means, as if life was simply to take any form whatsoever. It is freeing being from existence, to fill all things as the glorious heavenly light encompasses all without confusion. I will not be a shackled body, but fill all things, as much as Christ sits on his throne even as he pervades all things in an eternal state of rest. The reversal here is that here lay an end that is everpresent without any means of acquisition, given by God through his Word. The grace of salvation is in recognition that, in the end, that was simply who you were, it was the life you were predestined to live seated upon a throne. The reversal is that there is a single pattern of saintly life to which all life must be formed. It is not a question of being the bee or the bird, but to be Adam in his Edenic radiance, yet now perfected like God, rested on the seventh day, watching over the guarded borders and named animals.

Man has not in his capability to be anything, a hero or villain, a beast or a god, severed from the pain of judgement. It is not a way to escape the current anarchy. The only end is the LORD's Law, to be the godlike Adam as we rule and reign, Eve the helpmeet and mother of all living. To deny this is to suffocate Mankind, whose dignity is unfixed because it is simply unrecognized, the rest ignored. We do not sit before the moving pictures of Er, but with a firm end of Edenic Jerusalem, now severed from any means of arrival. The bridge is closed, the time is ended, it is the moment of total assurance in the life of the saint where all works cease. Here, being seated with Christ, we live the end without means, already arrived, even as the means carry on. Earth's beasts teem and swarm, it is but for man to name them and shepherd them. It is not the Sabbath restricted to a single day, Saturday, but (as Calvin recognized) Sabbath is to be an ever intruding reality. We are not under the reign of elements, as Hesiod taught that man must always work or languish in poverty then death. Rather, bounty and prosperity is for us here and now, even as we may be poor and sick. For we are to rejoice always, living as not, for the end has come.

Man is to reign as a sabbath monarch, may we do so now and forevermore.